What a Serious Nigerian Government Must Do
In recent months, Nigeria has returned to international headlines as years of extremist violence, terrorism, kidnapping and targeted killings [especially in the Middle Belt and the Northern region] draw renewed attention from the global community, particularly the United States.
This essay is not another attempt to litigate whether these killings meet the legal definition of genocide. That debate will surely continue on social media and in the pages of newspapers. Rather, the more urgent question, that I believe should hold all of our focus is simpler: what would a serious Nigerian government actually do to improve security in the country and stop the bloodshed?
For foreign observers tempted to read this crisis through a narrow Western lens, some clarifications are necessary. The security situation in Nigeria is indeed dire. Successive Nigerian governments have failed to respond with the urgency or competence that any state owing a duty of protection to its citizens should display. Both majority and minority communities in the North and Middle Belt have been effectively abandoned to armed terrorist groups now euphemistically labelled “bandits,” “herders,” “unknown gunmen” or “assailants.”
The point of this article is to propose a sketch of practical steps a government that is finally serious about security could take. I believe these steps fall into two broad categories: national policy reforms and changes to the current security architecture.
National policy reforms
First, the federal government should ban open grazing nationwide. Free-range grazing has become a major flashpoint between mostly Fulani herders and farming communities all over the country. Other countries have transitioned from open grazing to ranching and large, well-managed grazing reserves; Nigeria can do the same. Government, at federal or state level, may support this transition with subsidies, access to state land, and even credit, if possible. Evidence from around the world shows that animals raised under controlled nutritional conditions are healthier, larger and more profitable.
Second, the government should pass and publicly sign into law a clear reaffirmation that Nigeria is a secular state and that the Nigerian constitution supersedes any religious or local law. This may sound symbolic, but I believe the symbols matter even more, now. Citizens must know that, regardless of faith or ethnicity, they are governed first and foremost by a single, secular constitutional order.
Third, Nigeria needs state policing, with real safeguards. A constitutional and legal framework should establish state police forces, drawing on existing regional examples such as Amotekun [which has been slightly successful in the South-West], but with strict checks and balances to limit potential abuse by state governors. The law must define their command structure, their relationship to the federal police, paramilitary agencies and the military, and guarantee operational independence from partisan manipulation. It is also imperative that this new state police units must focus on border areas and rural communities that are currently under-policed and disproportionately vulnerable to attacks.
Fourth, the federal government should convene a national conference on security. In truth, previous national conferences have generated reports that gathered dust, but I believe the stakes today are far higher. Bringing together affected communities, security agencies, traditional and religious leaders, civil society and experts for an open, nationally broadcast conversation would force the political class to confront what ordinary Nigerians already know: the government has failed at effectively protecting its own people and it must figure out a solution as soon as possible.
Finally, there should be a comprehensive counterterrorism law and structure. Government can either create a new, well-resourced counterterrorism agency or rationalize and merge existing units into a coherent command. Terrorism cannot be contained without serious investment in intelligence, training, coordination and accountability.
Security architecture and practice
Beyond policy, Nigeria’s security architecture itself must change. Our military requires deep reform: better training, stronger discipline, modern equipment and a sharp focus on intelligence-led operations. Joint operations commands that genuinely share information across the army, police, intelligence and civil defence forces are essential in a conflict where enemies know the defects of the country like the back of their hands and move quickly.
Early warning systems should be built along state and national borders, especially in high-risk rural areas. These systems must combine technological hotlines, mobile apps, drones and satellite imagery with trusted local structures so that villagers can report threats quickly and safely, and know that a response will follow.
Government must also end the practice of quietly “forgiving” captured terrorists and reintegrating them into communities without transparent justice. Whatever the intention, this has damaged troop morale, fostered mistrust among civilians and increased the risk of infiltration and intelligence leaks. A credible system of prosecution, sentencing and, where appropriate, supervised rehabilitation is essential. Law-abiding citizens need to see that those who terrorize them face real consequences.
None of the ideas in this essay is exhaustive, and circumstances will surely evolve. But a government that truly cares about Nigerian lives would already be moving in this direction: banning open grazing, enforcing secular constitutional supremacy, establishing accountable state police, convening a genuine national security conference, building a focused counterterrorism capacity, reforming the military and ending impunity for terrorists.
Until this is done and citizens begin to feel safe again, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's talk of “commitment to security” will remain what it has long been in Nigeria, simply a catchy slogan.
-Boluwatife OLU Afolabi